Sometimes it's easy to see what should
be done.
In December 1941, few doubted we
needed to beat the Nazi's and the Japanese.
In 1966, it was obviously pointless to
battle against Vietnamese independence. The Vietnamese deserved
freedom. They'd whipped the French convincingly. We couldn't
prevail without destroying the people whose hearts and minds we
supposedly sought to win. Their independent spirit and historical
enmity toward China meant they wouldn't be China's puppet.
Starting the second Iraq War was
obviously unwise. We'd obviously win the “war” quickly; but then
be uncomfortably ruling over a spirited set of ethnic and religious
factions spoiling for a civil war. No matter how wisely we tried to
rule, we would inspire many more terrorists seeking vengeance against
us.
This ain't hindsight. Many said these
things at the time. I'm no expert, but as the Iraq War started, I
wrote a friend a letter saying this.
But now?
Hordes of U.S. citizens are angry that
life ain't what it once was. So to win elections we have to promise
jobs (even while robots snag more and more of those) and a stronger
economy (just when our graying work force is diminishing and our vast
military spending undermines our ability to compete). The postwar
period in which we dominated, which feels like normal to most of us,
ain't at all normal and won't last.
Internationally, Russia is a
troublesome enemy. Putin is smart, greedy, and conscienceless. One
can see why Putin wanted us to elect Trump: Trump not only owes
Russians money, but is a shallow, inexperienced fellow whose
narcissism makes him predictable and easy to manipulate. Trump has
already rewarded Putin in several ways.
Meanwhile China waits. Understanding
what China wants and why requires careful study. Threading our way
forward, neither kowtowing to China nor stumbling into a destructive
war, requires nimble tactics. Both sides will need their best minds
concentrating on this. And we have . . . ?
These international conflicts will be
waged in a dizzying variety of fields, some well beyond the ken of
most of us. Russians mucking with our elections in new ways,
tricking folks who'd say they hate Russia into mouthing Russian
lines. Hacking and cybersecurity, plus the usual economic and
political battlefields.
Hard to see how a guy who can't read
something as long as this column will make intelligent decisions; but
he's not the real problem. We are.
We screwed up in Viet Nam and
elsewhere by misunderstanding the world as wholly a battle between
Communism and Capitalism. Us against the Soviet Union and Peoples
Republic. Those countries were actual enemies worthy of serious
concern. But folks like the Vietnamese, simply seeking freedom, saw
the world differently. Had we recognized that, we'd have saved
lives, dollars, and political currency.
What's blinding us now?
American exceptionalism, of course.
We're a wonderful country. We've had a fantastic run. I hope we
continue as a beautiful – and democratic – success story. We
won't cease being a major player. But success encourages us to
credit only our greatness – forgetting that vast natural resources
and a protective ocean helped.
The fortunes of countries rise and
fall. Rich countries get soft. The top dog spends so much on
protecting its wealth that it's less likely to discover the next
Great Thing. There's also a strong temptation to try to maintain
supremacy by declaring war on the nearest rising competitor. And to
use fear of the other. Racism.
One can only hope that Trump's
comic-book ineptness will reawaken a desire for wiser, more patient
leaders who put our country's real needs first.
-30-
[The column above appeared this morning, Sunday, 25 June 2017, in the Las Cruces Sun-News, as well as on the newspaper's website and on KRWG's website. KRWG will also air a spoken version several times during the week.]
[Viet Nam is the largest and one of the clearest examples of a mistake our leaders made often during the postwar period, the Cold War. We were locked in a battle against the Soviet Union, and the Peoples Republic of China, and wanted as much of the populated areas of the world allied with us and not them. Both sides also quietly funded or initiated efforts, meant to appear as representing strong local sentiment, to undermine governments we didn't like. Unfortunately, since the rhetoric (though not the reality) of the Soviet Union was friendly to the freeing of oppressed peoples, we let ourselves be pushed into supporting empires (such as French possession of Viet Nam) or dictators or oligarchies that stood against any serious improvement of the average person's life.]
[American exceptionalism seems to me more subtle than its adherents or those who scoff at it seem to believe. We can and should take pride in our Founders; in their insistence on freedom and democracy, relatively new ideas in their time. Jefferson, Franklin, and others were giants. George Washington remains one of the very few men in history who lead a military rebellion, became sufficiently popular that he probably could have been named President for Life, but walked away. Not once, but twice: immediately after the war, when we tried our ill-fated experiment with a weak national government in the Articles of Confederation, then again after two terms as President. Our energy and resourcefulness have been rightly admired by all. However, for our rise to the top of the heap of nations, it's fair to give credit to geographical and other factors for which our leaders can claim little responsibility. We had a huge, contiguous land, teeming with natural resources and protected by oceans from the kind of constant military strife Europe and other continents experienced. Other than during 1861-65, wars have not been fought on our territory, destroying homes, factories, towns, and families. We've also benefited from a host of other factors, including that our native language (partly from our activities, but more from the British Empire) became the closest the planet has to a universal language.]
However, the Cold War ended two years after Kennedy's book appeared,
validating his thesis regarding the Soviet Union, but leaving the United
States as the sole superpower and, apparently, at the peak of its
economy. Nau (2001) contends that Kennedy's "realist"
model of international politics underestimates the power of national,
domestic identities or the possibility of the ending of the Cold War and
the growing convergence of democracy and markets resulting from the
democratic peace that followed.[8]"
I want now to read Nau's criticism of Kennedy's ideas.